War on Crime Bandits, G-Men and the Politics of Mass Culture
In all probability, this is one treatise which probes into the composition, the legalities and the cultural facets of J. Edgar Hoovers vigorous fight against crime in the 1930s, a New Deal crusade which created comprehensible associations between citizenship, federal policing and the ideal concept of what a centralized government should be. Potters volume tells us of how and why peoples adulation of vicious icon hero G-men and thugs surfaced and how everyone is now going through the effects of such adoration of these personages.
Specifically, War on Crime overtly investigates the synthesis of collective restructuring and methodical management principles that created police professionalization and likewise depicted how new government careers in law enforcement looked like in addition, it colorfully described the coming out of a new breed of criminals,2 the types that commanded adulation and reverence from the public despite the fact that the damage they have caused to society is a lot bigger than who they really are or who they have become.
With significant and extensive in-text references to various sources, Potters explicit narrative is written like a concise primer that alters the account of the New Deal revolution and recommends a fresh outlook and an unsullied representation of political narrative views, an account that acknowledges and comprehends that ethnic singularity and the political domain created between them, a concept of the state.
Through the Potter lens, the war on crime in that period was tussled employing firearms and sharp written declarations, fascinating shows and legislation, the use of broadcasting mediums and government inquiries. All of these approaches elucidate this phase of state changerevolution including the insights and assessments of that embryonic state, during the years of the first New Deal. Additionally, it clearly exhibits the creation of G-men and gangsters as cultural protagonists and champions of the era. In like manner, the book delves into the Depression periods fixation with crime and celebrity and gives discernment on how different individuals perceived a nation going through huge political and social transformations.
In addition, clearly manifested in this volume is Hoovers attempt to carry the message of FBI work using the media to the people as he noted the extensive interest of media men in the battle against criminals. A case in point was the timely publication of the first issue of the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin in 1932, at that time dubbed as Fugitives Wanted by Police. Clearly, Hoover became extremely proficient at making public the agencys work as he was at managing and controlling it. Prior to 1933 though, Bureau Agents were able to develop an esprit de corps, however, the public judged them identical with other federal investigators. As a result three years later, the sheer identification with the FBI became a source of exceptional delight to its workers which commanded immediate respect and deference from a lot of people.
One significant point that can be seen from the book was its depiction of Hoovers initiatives to try and professionalize the entire FBI organization5. As he exerted all efforts in running after hoodlums and trying to get them behind bars, he was also busy getting rid of politically-connected agents as he believed that these agents are the ones strongly susceptible to corruption, the ones who would commit the greatest acts of ineptitude and uselessness. Likewise, he tried not to make the narcotics bureau a dumping ground for jobless agents and other types of scalawags. In addition, it can be seen too how Hoover brought ferocious vigor to the workplace through adequate training of its agents, stringently implementing changes in the administrative procedures, executing changes in the hiring practices and brought about improvement in the agents general work habits.
Admittedly, the skillful portrayal of the efforts done by the FBI during the early and mid-1930s showed how numerous vital decisions congealed the Bureaus position as the countrys leading law enforcement agency. As an example, was its forceful response to the kidnapping of the Lindbergh baby in 1932, which resulted to the passing of a federal kidnapping statute in Congress. Then in May and June 1934, as hoodlums like John Dillinger eluded incarceration by crossing over state lines, Congress again passed numerous federal crime laws which considerably boosted the Bureaus morale and widened its scope and jurisdiction. After the brutal Kansas City Massacre, Congress significantly granted Bureau Agents constitutional power to carry guns and conduct arrests, however, it can be gleaned that this extremely noteworthy event was not thoroughly discussed in the book which is quite surprising since this kind of criminal act could have explicitly exhibited how the efforts on the war against crime have been effected by Hoovers men.
What the book lacked though is a comprehensive discussion on the many significant milestones of that period as far as the history of police performance measurement is concerned. This should have been adequately elaborated in the volume considering that during that era, there was so much transformation in policing and how Bureau agents carried out their functions. For instance, in 1930, Director of Research for the International City Managers Association, Donald Stone, suggested two methods of assessing police effectiveness -- the number of cases cleared and the value of stolen property recovered. Both suggested methods were equally condemned, though in practice they continued to be employed by both police and academics. Consequently, in 1935, Arthur Bellman, Vollmers protg created a wide-ranging mechanism crafted to appraise the quality of police service. This too should have been mentioned in the book. Such instrument contained 685 unambiguous points which was specifically designed to be accomplished by skilled police analysts who are asked to provide professional judgments on each point. Notably, with its enormous assortment of standards, Bellmans scale would be viewed oddly like a certification checklist. Moreover, the book should likewise have contained or at least should have mentioned Bellmans approach to police performance measurement which was censured on three principal arguments. First, it was based on conformity to current notions of good administrative practice and, hence, was inadequately equipped to have room for advances and enhancements in policing. Second, Bellmans rating structure took care of each of the indicators uniformly. As far as his detractors were concerned, the stabilizing character of Bellmans scheme led to the combination of important and trivial concerns haphazardly and third, Bellmans method concentrated entirely on internal measures concerning courses of action, practices and equipment. It completely overlooked the outputs, processes and outcomes of police agencies. All these should have been discussed comprehensively by Potter as these are significant occurrences during the period.
Essentially, War on Crime is a thoroughly investigated academic study of the New Deal politics following Americas first grand battle against crime, when J. Edgar Hoovers G-men overpowered the extremely exposed Midwest outlaws exemplified by the likes of Dillinger, Pretty Boy Floyd, Baby Face Nelson, the Barker-Karpis gang and Bonnie and Clyde, while instantaneously steering clear of any severe clashes with the forces of organized crime.
Furthermore, the book shows how Potter has profoundly probed into the fashionable culture of mobster exaltation in the 1930s and also believes the fraudster control on big city political machines as an aspect influencing the Justice Departments crime war. To put it plainly, there was certainty of success and was more satisfying (politically that is) to run after bank muggers than genuine hoodlums. The endeavors of Hoover and his superior, Atty. General Homer Cummings, to prevail over the states rights activists and produce a national police agency, meaning the modern FBI, was doing well and depended for the most part on the Justice Departments catapulting Dillinger and other criminals to become national threats. Moreover, this can be a good reference material if one wants to study the said period. One flaw though that can be cited about the book is its extremely inadequate and imprecise allusion to the Kansas City Union Station slaughter, which granted FBI the indispensable public backing and led to the G-mens being authorized to carry firearms.
Today, apprehensions regarding crime and hideous criminal acts have turned to be proverbial means for the formation of new government bureaus and the expansion of state power and influence. It is then significant to be reminded of the original war on crime in the 1930s and the prospects it gave to New Dealers which in turn ascertained pen pushers like J. Edgar Hoover. As academics wrestled with the methods the state affirm authority and power over the populace, local authority and party politics, Hoovers group pursue targets like trimming down popular violence and looking after private property. For the FBI, good government was synonymous with vigorous policing and excellent police intelligence work.
In the book, Potter basically conveys to life the forceful relationship between the diverse facets of mass culture in the United States of America in the 1930s and the ubiquitous state war on crime. Particularly, in the political landscape left by the War on Crime, police have come to signify and stand for the interests of crime victims and through them, of the public generally. As it is, almost any disparagement of the police is viewed as treachery towards victims and potential victims.
It is then noteworthy to mention Potters observation that law enforcementintelligence agencies have attempted to expand their capacity to police the nation through the identification of public enemies and the creation of new crimes. This simply indicated that with the certainty of identification of -- who the criminals are, how far they have gone with their crimes, the extent of their criminal acts, the magnitude of the damage that they can do, how big of a threat are they to national security law enforcers and law enforcement agencies (and most especially the FBI) can determine the steps that they need to take, what more they can do in order to effect arrest, the enhancements they need to put in so that they can effectively impose the kind of order needed in society. With all these, the scope of their tasks and the extent of their jurisdictions have been greatly increased or should be widened for them to be efficient in carrying out their jobs. As a whole, this is a positive development as this would improve the entire functioning of a law enforcement agency and in the process provide the kind of protection that must be given to the people. Naturally, there is the question of who should define crime or who can be considered as threats to national security. First, it must be borne in mind that, no single person has the privilege of classifying a certain act as criminal and no one should have the monopoly of making judgments as to what must be considered as a threat to national security and this is because nations have laws legislated and it is in those laws that classification of who are criminals and what acts would be considered as threats to national security are determined. If and when a single person or organization will have the monopoly of determining what must be viewed as acts that would endanger a nations freedom or safety, then it can be safely said that democracy is dead in that particular culturesociety and that the people have been duped to believe that they are living a democratic existence because that kind of scenario only happens in autocratic regimes or in places where freedoms have been trampled upon already.
Obviously, policeintelligence agencies must be held accountable for their actions. It is a component of democratic existence. While police agencies are the forerunners of peace and order, it does not necessarily mean that they own or they are above the law. Law enforcers might be enforcing the law, however, they are at the same time citizens of their country which means that they have to abide by the laws of that land and they must be the first ones to obey the fundamental rules of that sovereign state or else they will just be mocking the instruments of justice and the real essence of law enforcement.
In the case of Hoovers men, they are known to belong to a network of professional police organizations who happen to be the staunchest supporters of the government, hence, it is expected of them to behave responsibly.8 Another reason why police and intelligence agencies must be held accountable for their actions is the fact that if they will not be liable for their deeds then they will not be any different from the thugs and hardened criminals that they are pursuing. The public will not see the difference between the two groups and when this happens it would certainly breed great disillusionment in the public mind, it will generate cynicism in young peoples mind, create disenchantment in people who consider and strongly believe in the might and nobility of the police force or of law enforcers in general. In its entirety, Potters volume reflects that desire and the efforts of an organization to combat societys decay and implement positive changes. Though it has its own share of inadequacies, in style and in content, but overall, it is a great read for anyone who is interested in American contemporary history, those who are enthralled with myths and symbols which characterized the Great Depression years9 and the cultural analysis that goes with it,10 those who are fascinated with Hoovers unconventional tactics, the ones captivated by the sparkling personalities of the famous gangsters and to all those who remain mesmerized by the heroism of the G-men and the valiant FBI agents of that era and of course to all those who will forever be admirers of police intelligence icon, J. Edgar Hoover.
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