American History

    The defeat of the British Army during the American Revolution opened many possibilities for the newly-founded republic. The colonial powers were busy contesting for power in Asia and Africa  a condition which expanded US influence in both Canada and Latin America. The door to the central Mississippi region was partially opened the French sold its possessions in the region to the United States to finance its wars in Europe. Spanish possessions (todays New Mexico, Texas, California, Arizona, and Florida) were economically and politically unstable  the Spanish army was grounded as a result of the French invasion of Spain. With the weakening of the colonial powers in these areas, there was a potential opportunity to expand  the result being a constructive fortitude of unprecedented American expansionism.
   
    In 1803, Thomas Jefferson purchased the Louisiana territory from the French. At the same time, a small US army unit led by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark headed across the continent. The goal of the expedition or mission was to find a route to the Pacific Ocean using the Missouri and Columbia river systems. After two excruciating years, Lewis and Clark returned to the West. Their findings concerning the land, its natural resources, and the inhabitants became the basis of future migration policies. In the political arena, these findings led to 1) informal consensus regarding the value of westward expansion 2) opportunity to expand the electorate, as such, the creation of new administrative districts 3) initiative to increase revenue measures (taxes and capital gains). Indeed, with the conclusion of the Lewis and Clark expedition, the American public became aware of the opportunities in the West. At a glimpse, the West became the synbol of opportunity, power, and wealth. It became the future so to speak of a young republic. Thus, when the roads were opened to the West, people flocked. Land was barely an issue. There was so much for everyone. Indeed, this was a situation when the laws of economic scarcity rarely applied. The abundance of resources encouraged the growth of the region, as exemplified in the evidences.

    The Westward expansion may be viewed as a classical example of radical development. A significant portion of the American population migrated to the West to find wealth and good opportunities. Development became an individual course, as it was impossible to incorporate the basics of American politics in the area. On the other hand, the West also served as the basket yard of the republic in the next 200 years.

In the 1890s, America was beginning to industrialize more than it ever had before. But as the process of production began to speed up, American business feared that its supply of raw materials would not meet production demands. Furthermore, America was facing a depression and businessmen began to believe that current markets had reached their full potential. Therefore, American businessmen needed new markets in which to sell their products. Yet, because colonies tended to purchase goods from their mother countries, America began to believe that its best option was to take possession of its own colonies (Dunning  Lundan, 2008).
 
This led to the American acquisition of colonies in Asia and Latin America. Unfortunately for America, The Philippines had long been fighting for its independence from Spain and was unwilling to submit to American authority.  Americas acquisition, then, lead to The Philippine Insurrection, in which The Phillipines rose up again America to fight for independence (Lee, 2009). This was one of the first steps leading to the Spanish-American war. Yellow Journalists helped draw America even further into the war by demonizing the Spanish and running headlines about Spanish brutality on their covers. Yet they also exposed the real horrors of concentration camps in Cuba. Americans who often believed they had a duty to bring their morals to the rest of the world, became even more determined to civilize countries in which they saw evidence of brutality. (PBS, 1999) Yellow journalists like William Randolph  Hurst helped to create a moral panic, by running stories about terrorized female prisoners,  heroic rebellions, starving children and unjust executions in Cuba (Baker, 2001).
 
The main reasons, then, for the involvement of the United States in Latin America and Asia were a belief that American markets could no longer support its industry, a desire for new markets abroad, a need for more raw materials, and a moral panic caused by William Randolph Hurst, Joseph Pulitzer and their fellow yellow journalists.

Reformers during the progressive era often tried to combat social ills with governmental intervention. Different groups tried to enlist governmental help in different ways. Photographer and journalist Jacob Riis, for instance, highlighted the plight of the poor by taking pictures of their living quarters and the squalor in which they lived. His pictures shocked those who were better off and attracted the notice of government officials. Riis held to the belief that poverty was a consequence of corrupt political and economic systems and therefore, he believed, the government must fix it (The President and Fellows of Harvard College, 2008).

    Those who believed in the Social Gospel agreed with Riis. They aimed to instil biblical principles into law and encouraged the government to adopt reforms that forced corrupt businessmen to look out for their neighbours. They blamed poverty on capitalism, noting that in a capitalistic system wealthy men could ignore the plight of others without any fear of governmental or moral restrictions. They also believed that people only sinned when they were forced to live in squalor and that they would be more moral if they were cared for.

    The National Child Labor committee was also concerned with governmental intervention. Children in factories had been forced to work long hours and in poor conditions. Some had been injured, others were even killed. Those who belonged to the National Child Labor committee hoped to change the plight of children by banning child labor in most circumstances. The committee met in public places and actively sought people with big names to join their cause. One of the major figures in the committee was Lewis Wickes Hine who took photographs of child workers in squalid conditions. The committee managed to create a Childrens Bureau in the departments of labour and commerce (National Child Labor Committee, 2008).

    Each of these groups was keenly aware of the negative effects of poverty on society and each believed the government could help alleviate these.

The last six decades have seen tremendous political, economic and social changes in the United States of America than ever before. The beginning of the twenty first century came with new changes in the world both politically and socially. By the middle of the century, the world had already experienced two serious world wars and this was instrumental in changing the state of the world. Every other decade has seen events that shaped and affected public opinion. The 1950s were marked by unprecedented economic boom which culminated in better living standards especially after the problems of the great depression and the two world wars. The 1960s were mainly characterized by the vibrant civil movements especially by the African Americans after long years of racial discrimination and segregation. At the height of the cold war in the 1970s, the Vietnam War was the hallmark of American life. Many families were affected by the war in one way or another and the political agenda was centered at the course of the war. As the cold war came to an end, it was mainly marked by the fall of communism in Eastern Europe in the 1980s. The fear and tension that had characterized the cold war within the American society took a new dimension. The end of the century in the 1990s was mainly characterized by influx of contemporary immigrants into the USA.
This paper aims to look at the events in the United States that had profound impact on its citizens in the past five decades.
Post World War II economy
    The interwar period had featured the great depression and economic hardships never seen before and many people feared that this might be replicated after the Second World War. On the contrary, restricted consumer demands of the previous years stimulated a strong economic growth in the post war era. The automobile industry recovered immediately to produce more cars as the aviation grew at very high rates. The housing industry was stimulated by the accessibility of mortgages to the ex-soldiers leading to massive expansion of other related industries.  The Gross Domestic Product of the USA had doubled by 1960 (Vatter, 1996). The number of consumers had increased with increased births of the baby boom generation and these increased markets for many industries. The business entered a new period that was characterized by consolidation and the telecommunication industry that was taking root with the introduction of the television in homes. The countrys workforce was also rapidly changing as the number of service providers increased to surpass those engaged in production and manufacturing. The advent of the cold war sustained the military industry as the government tried to maintain its fighting capacity. Economic assistance trickled to the European economies that had been ravaged by the war through the Marshal Plan. By the end of the 1950s, majority of Americans had joined the middle class population (Spulber, 1989).
The civil rights movement of the 1960s
    There were a lot of social protests during the 1960s in the USA. The attempts to create racial justice and equality in the American society since the end of the civil war had born little fruits. The previous decades had seen attempts to give Africans more rights and freedom but by the 1960s, most public facilities were still segregated. The end of the 1950s were marked by efforts to desegregate public and private facilities especially the schools.  The African American Civil Rights Movement was mainly a reform movement geared towards fighting racial discrimination against African Americans and gaining voting rights in the southern states. The campaign gained momentum in the 1960s as several groups became vibrant in the fight for black rights.  Some of them like the NAACP, congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and Southern Christian Leadership Council (SCLS) advocated for non-violent means to advance this course while others like the Black panthers, the Nation of Islam and the Black Nationalist movement used violence method in their campaigns. The famous Washington march of 1963 attracted close to 300,000 demonstrators who gathered at the Lincoln memorial where King delivered the I have a dream speech. The event attracted nationwide attention due to massive media attention (Raymond, 2001).
     During this decade, there were many marches, rallies, strikes, riots and boycotts leading to vicious conflicts with the police. Many people lost their lives including the assassination of the leading civil rights crusaders Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X while many others were killed during the violence protests. The first major campaigns began with the student protests in the early sixties as they organized sit-ins in segregated restraints. They formed the student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) that successfully campaigned for the desegregation of hundreds of lunch counters. They later teamed up with CORE to organize Freedom Rides in 1961 that were aimed at testing the Supreme Courts decision that had outlawed segregation in interstate transportation. The participants were arrested, beaten and even one of the buses burnt but they eventually emerged victorious when the court decision was enforced by the Interstate Commerce Commission. The period saw the passage of several laws like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that outlawed discrimination in employment and public hotels, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 and the Civil Rights ACT of 1968. After the assassination of King in 1968, the movement started to lose its momentum but it had already made great achievements. It had managed to open up new economic, social and political opportunities for African-Americans and altered the way people acted and thought in the American society (Button, 1993).


1970s The Vietnam War
    From the 1950s, the USA began to send troops to Vietnam. The Vietnamese gained independence from the French in 1954 but the country was divided into two by the Geneva peace Agreement as anti-communist south and communist north.    The south refused to participate in unification elections in 1956 leading to the second Indochina war as the Viet Cong guerillas battled the Couth Vietnam authorities. The USA was forced to support the south by sending military advisors and by 1963, they numbered over 16,000. In 1965, President Johnson escalated the war by starting air attacks against the north and sending ground forces. The American government intended to reduce the impact of the war on domestic culture by waging a limited war. Unfortunately, the war ended up having a major impact on the daily life of the American people. As more soldiers left to Asia and more deaths were reported from the protracted war, the government started to meet the full force of the anti-war emotions. Protest erupted on college campuses and in the major cities indicating that all corners of the country had felt the impacts of the war (Schulzinger, 1998).
    The increasing consequences of the war led to the defeat of the Democrats in the 1968 elections. The Nixon administration adopted the Vietnamization strategy which involved increasing air strikes and reducing ground forces. The conflict continued even after the signing of the Paris accord in 1973 until the south was defeated in 1975 by the communist forces. The long conflict led to stiff domestic and international opposition and poor civilian and military relations in the USA. A lot of resources were pumped into the war which led to serious economic consequences as the prices of commodities sky-rocketed. The value of the American currency dropped leading to inflation and eventually a recession as economic activities slowed. The Vietnam War also led to the change of approach of the USA in the ensuing cold war. The Nixon administration specifically altered the nature of superpower relations as it began dtente with the USSR and rapprochement with China. On the other hand the failure of the American government to win the war led to lose of confidence in the leaders by the American people. The country also lost its international standing and power (Sitikoff, 1999).
1980s The fall of Communism in Eastern Europe
    The end of communism in eastern and central Europe in the 1980s was remarkable due to its speed and the consequences around the globe. The previous three decades had been characterized by the war of words and ideologies between the USA and the Soviet Union and at times turning hot in Korea and Vietnam. A lot of resources had been spent on the war mainly drawn from the taxes which had severe consequences of the counties economy. The American society had been engulfed by fear at all times of a possible strike being made on the country by the enemies. The Red Scare period had a profound impact on the lives of ordinary citizens as the atmosphere of fear and anxiety of un-American activities prevailed. All this changed dramatically with the fall of communism is Eastern Europe which ultimately marked the end of the cold war. The cold war had shaped the foreign policy of the United States with more emphasis given to efforts to contain the spread of communism. The collapse of the communist east left the USA as the sole superpower in the world (Hogan, 1992).
1990s The immigration influx
    The history of the United States has been defined by the immigration of diverse groups of people into the country over very many years. The country was established in the 17th and 18th centuries by the first immigrant settlers from Britain. Over the years, the ethnic component of the country has been broadened to include virtually all peoples of the world. The assimilation of more immigrants has blurred the ethnic racial definitions of the countrys population. In the recent past, there has been continued immigration of more people especially from the developing countries and this has posed a serious challenge to the country. The influx of new immigrants peaked at the end of the 21st century mainly from Latin America. The increase in the number of immigrants was influenced by the 1965 Immigration Act which altered the immigration policies.  It abolished the preference for western hemisphere immigration and increased the number of visas allocated to other regions of the world (Dougherty, 2004). The new waves of immigrants have brought about new social and economic challenges. The most profound effect is coming from the Hispanic immigration which has been the highest growing population group in the recent past. This group of immigrants has been coming with a new set of culture (Hispanic) and language (Spanish). Due to massive immigration, the population of the United States increased by about 14 over the 10 year period between 1990 and 2000 (Huntington, 2004). Immigration has been the main determining factor of population growth with a big percentage of the increase accounted for by the immigrants. The increasing number of immigrants has also held some political consequences. Most of the immigrants are minority groups and their increasing numbers has influenced their political power in many ways. They have come to influence the political agenda in the recent past as the major political parties are forced to consider issues of affirmative action for these groups. The main problems with increased immigration include more poverty levels, increase in crime and prison populations and huge burdens to the taxpayer as welfare programs increase (Huntington, 2004).
The future
    Since the 1950s, the USA has experienced different economic spells with hard economic times during the 1970s and better times in the 1990s. This changed in the first decade of the 21st century with the worst economic crisis in 2008. There is increased competition from emerging economies like China and Japan coupled with bigger challenges in global issues. There is no doubt that the economic future of the USA is going to be more challenging than before and definitely the country needs to do more to remain a world economic power. The civil rights movement gave the minority groups more freedom in the USA and that has steadily improved over the years. The epitome of the change was the election of the first African American President in the USA in the 2008 presidential elections. The minority groups are going to play a more pivotal role in the American society in the future than before. This will be reinforced by the increasing number of immigrant population who are poised to increase considerably in the coming decades. The American culture is going to be transformed by the new immigrants who are likely to avoid the long tradition of assimilating newcomers. The Vietnam war had considerable influence on the history of the USA. In the recent past, the USA has been engaged in the war against terror which has equally been protracted. The underlying problem is equally ideological combined with religious fundamentalism and the problem is likely to remain around for some time. The future of the USA will be shaped more by global issues than domestic problems.

Every war fought in the world has unresolved issues left behind. The civil war of 1860s in America was fought over conflicting ideas of freedom. It still has a lingering effect on todays American society. The deaths of over 630,000 Americans helped shape the world we live in today (Encyclopedia Britannica). It impacted American politics, culture, economics and social values. The civil war presented the federal government with more power in Washington D.C. The war powers of American president increased to a great extent. Slavery was abolished. Racial prejudice and discrimination were on the wane. Racial equality was accepted by most of the American people. The civil war led to industrial development and growth. The United States became a global economic superpower within a hundred years. The historians still disagree with the basic causes of civil war and consider it could be due to complex political, economic, and other social elements.
America wanted a central government to deal with large problems in national level and a local state government to address smaller problems and the needs of the people (Catton  McPherson, 2004). Federalism served in the above interests. Federalism has disadvantages as well. For example, the dispersal of power can influence one to protect their own interests and thus barricade national mandates. It also creates inequalities in the country. Altogether, the advantages outweigh the disadvantages.
One of the major objectives of civil war was to abolish the institution of slavery. Slavery divided everything including the nation itself. Though civil war ended with a reconstruction process, the African-Americans were again reduced to positions of political and economic impoverishment. The racial legacy of the civil war continues even today as issues of racism persist in American culture (Encyclopedia Britannica).
The Illinois Governor Otto Kerner in his commission on civil disorder states that America is a heavily populated poor people of color, and a largely white and middle class. Ultimately, the union saved, the slavery ended but the issues of equality remained unresolved. 
With the loss of Abraham Lincoln, the country struggled to reunite. Opportunities for a more just society were lost. The middle-class Americans were left economically insecure. Though African Americans were recruited in the Army, they received unequal treatment for a long period.
The unsettled issue of racial equality led to the civil-rights movement in 1954. The unrest of the civil-rights-movement strained the nation again through the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. Many brave men and women fought against discrimination at the risk of their very lives (Friedman, 2008, p.2). If the American political system revolves around an increasing cultural divide between the color lines, there will be a terrible national cost.

Slave resistance in America came in various forms. There were groups who opted to use peaceful ways in proclaiming in resistance however, since it was proven to be ineffective in fighting for their cause, some groups have opted to use violent means. Yet it should be noted that all of these were rooted from the poor living conditions and the harsh treatment that slaves had to endure because of enslavement. Their miserable state even led them to believe that losing their lives will be a better choice than continue to live as a slave.    
    The slave rebellion led by Nat Turner was a manifestation of their immense predicament. The feeling of hopelessness was so great that he was eventually convinced that the act of violence against white men was something that God had permitted. This bloody incident which killed nearly sixty white men abruptly changed the relationship between masters and slaves. Unfortunately, the white population was not able to discern the true message of such uprising they were so blind and were incapable of seeing and understanding beyond such event. In addition, the white men during that time failed to see how inhumane it was to enslave another human being. They were so obsessed with the economic benefits brought by slavery that they refused to acknowledge the rights that should be given to every man regardless of their skin color.
    Thus, as dictated by their selfish motives, more restrictive methods pertaining to slavery were devised in order to prevent another slave rebellion from happening. As white men grew more fearsome of another slave rebellion, they also resorted to more a hostile treatment towards their slaves. They even passed a law making it unlawful to teach slaves to read and write. In a way, using such methods truly prevented another violent slave rebellion. However, it is important to understand that slaves feeling of resentment never really died down for it was there in the very core of their being.
    Slavery in the American soil truly had a great impact on the lives of African-American slaves. And reality will tell us that even after many years had already passed it still continues to divide the American nation. The sufferings that were endured, because slavery went beyond our wild imaginings. The agony that was inflicted to these people was to be considered as a grave sin of the past that should not be repeated at present nor in the future. Breaking the chain of slavery was really a process worth fighting for. The Nat Turner Rebellion would remind us how injustice could lead to another injustice as such, it must be learned that the stigma of racism brought about by the issue of slavery should be addressed with firm condemnation. And it is everyones duty to promote racial equality in order to achieve true national unity.

Legal changes, such as the end of slavery by the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution, the 14th Amendment declaring all Americans equal and the 15th Amendment on the right to vote did not automatically result in the desired change. As Kennedy said, people remained slaves to poverty and injustice. They were still victimized by racist discrimination. Neither did equal treatment or equal opportunity automatically happen. Nor did the right to vote me mean that blacks were allowed to vote. In the American South, Jim Crow laws in the form of local ordinances, enforced segregation. On buses, in schools, in public building, segregation was enforced. Blacks could not drink from a White-only water fountain or sit on a Whit-only bench in a public park. King and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference set out to end segregation in the South. Arguably, in the South, Kings limited and specific objectives were achieved. When he took his campaign to the North, he failed. By then, his leadership of the movement was under challenge. Less realistic or realizable goals failed to win public opinion, which had happened in the South. Finally, what lessons are there for more recent events may have been better dealt with, or avoided.
King, a Baptist minister and theologian with a doctorate from Boston University (Katz 46) was recruited to civil rights activism following an incident in 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama when Rosa Parks refused to give her seat to a white man, so was arrested. King was invited to organize and lead a bus boycott. A year later, segregation on buses in Birmingham ended when the Supreme Court ruled that, the city ordinance mandating racial segregation was unconstitutional (45). This built on an earlier verdict, the famous Brown v Board of Education ruling of 1954, when the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People presented the this care before the Supreme Court. The Court ruled that segregation in schools contravened the 14th Amendment. After this historic ruling, the culmination of much work and many legal cases by the NAACP, little or no action followed. No national plan was proposed. Desegregation proceeded school board by school board. Southern courts permitted delays. The KKK marched. Governors spoke about States rights verses the federal. Evoking memory of the Confederacys secession from the Union they threatened to defy the law. King and those with whom he formed the SCLP, after success in Montgomery, realized that achieving legal change alone was not enough. The NAACP believed that lobbying and legal challenges would work. King decided that direct action, such as boycotts and marches to disrupt the smooth running of cities, would force de-segregation, now ruled illegal, to actually happen. His commitment to non-violence was un-conditional, in part inspired by Mahatma Gandhi (48-9) but it was also rooted in his theology. He wanted to get white public opinion on his side. He believed in common human values, that when people saw the iniquity of segregation, they would make the right moral choice and end it. He believed, argued in his doctoral thesis, the men and women have the power to choose good over evil (46).
His Conference was a loose coalition of like-minded Christians, involving mainly ministers. It was tightly organized or national, unlike the NAACP (43). The goals were the same but King would take pre-emptive action on the street, not take legal cases to court. Even when courts ruled against segregation, it continued. Kings tactic in the South aimed to create conditions that would compel local government to end segregation. He would hit where it metaphorically hurt, in the pocket. The Montgomery campaign ended segregation because, with black passengers refusing to travel, running the bus service was too costly. Ending segregated restrooms, park benches, drinking fountains and other petty discriminations, could be achieved by shutting down cities. Boycotts, marches, civil disobedience, convinced authorities to end these practices. Freedom Riders went out to test whether integration was working on public transport (55). King went to where racism was rampant, initiating the confrontation in Birmingham, Alabama. He calculated that police chief, Eugene Bull Connor, would over-react. He did. Clash after clash took place. Activists, including King, (not for the first time) were jailed. King knew from Montgomery that non-violent protest could win public sympathy and generate political support (54-5). When moderate white clergy called his intervention unwise and untimely, he replied, injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere (57). People who said, wait had never experienced the stinging dart of segregation.  When Kennedy saw a police dog bite a teenagers stomach on the news, he was sickened and pledged to support civil rights legislation (59). The heart of the matter, he said, is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights (14). He slowed pace when he saw that public opinion was mixed. However, his successor telephoned King the night of Kennedys funeral, promising he would push the legislation through as a tribute to Kennedy his memory. Johnson did pass important legislation but also slowed down due to opposition in the South, where he needed votes.
         King subscribed to the American dream, the vision of a land of opportunity and freedom for black and white equally. King pleaded for a society in which people were not judged by their skin-color but by the content of their character. Others did not think white Americans would ever live happily with blacks, or allow black people complete equality. Blacks would remain second-class. Based on separatism, this vision rejected Kings dream of an integrated society in which men and women, black and white, would unite in brotherhood. He preached equality and non-violence. They preached black pride and power, self-defense or armed resistance. This, effectively, split the civil rights movement into pro-violence and anti-violence wings (362).  Increasingly, King believed that without improving housing, employment and ending poverty, paper freedom and equality was hollow. He decided to take his campaign to the North where he wanted to dramatize housing inequalities and discrimination. He chose Chicago. The goal was for Congress to pass a housing reform bill (363). He pushed his demonstration deep into white neighborhoods. White mobs responded by throwing stones, bottles and other missiles (366). Blacks responded. Thousands of police tried to restore peace. Many were injured. The public was less supportive. They did not understand what King wanted to achieve. In the South, they could see that de-segregating buses and allowing blacks to drink from any public fountain, were reasonable, inexpensive, achievable demands. However, building better houses, desegregating a better public housing project, not housing blacks in poor, run-down districts with failing schools, costs more and is less easy to achieve. You cannot evict people from a project because they are white, to let a black person in. In the North, segregation was illegal but happened anyway. If black people are forced to live in a black neighborhood, it may follow that the local school is badly financed, due to how school districts are funded. Kings North campaign also failed because though he practiced non-violence, others rioted. Public expressed sympathy when they saw peaceful blacks hurt by racists and police. In Chicago, blacks and racist whites appeared equally violent. Nor did the public see an easily achievable solution. Petty racist practices, supported by petty laws, can be abandoned. Racism in the North was embedded in peoples hearts, not sanctioned by laws. Johnson said that to pass a house bill would reward rioters (345).
Johnson now had competing priorities, the war in Vietnam, which diverted necessary funds from domestic social programs such as fighting poverty. King, having won the Nobel Peace Prize, had stepped onto a wider stage. He shifted to a broader poverty elimination and international peace platform. He opposed Vietnam. Civil rights at home and extricating the US from Vietnam were linked. Others wanted him to stick to his mission (350). This dissipated his energies. It also fractured the civil rights movement. Who now represented blacks, King or proponents of black separatism He opposed the war for killing blacks, as immoral and wasteful. The FBI accused King and the SCLC of communist sympathy. Now am FBI-led campaign to discredit King picked up momentum. To oppose Vietnam was to support Communism.
King was unable, before his assassination (1968), to purse his war on poverty or to bring about major changes in housing. Consequently, life for many blacks in the South and the North did not change, except in relatively petty ways such as riding on a desegregated bus that whites dont ride anyway because they have cars. Blacks dont. Discrimination in employment and in allocation of public housing is illegal but difficult to challenge. If you do not get the job you want, it is almost impossible to prove that this was caused by prejudice and not because of a more qualified candidates success. Kings campaign did not end discrimination and racism but it did end legal, often petty segregations. The campaign to end segregation in schools ended a less petty type of racism, with far reaching consequences. Ending legal obstacles to voting also represents a substantial victory. Now, many more blacks attend better schools, obtain better jobs and many have successfully contested public office.
The end of petty segregation in the South did not end segregation itself. In a city such as New Orleans, blacks occupy inferior houses, attend inferior schools and live in all-black neighborhoods. Too many blacks are in prison for crimes they did not commit. The Army Corps of Engineers failed to provide the flood protection needed. If the down-down area had been a prosperous, all-white community, they would have done so. Once Katrina hit, the relevant response services were slow to act. Whites were re-housed or compensated while blacks were neglected, due to deep-seated psychological racism that Kings tactics neither ended nor could end, North or South. Was he too confident about human nature Are more legal steps needed, or can government rely on people to choose good over evil Once again, while poverty and unemployment and lack of health care are rampant in the US, soldiers  many black  are dying in foreign wars. One important lesson of the 1960s is that united we stand, divided we perish. A partnership between all concerned is more effective than disparate, competing efforts. If communities appear to be given special treatment, regardless of the genuineness of their need, others will complain, even react violently. King and Johnson, black activist and white President, worked best when united. What is lacking is a bi-partisan coalition in Congress of liberal Democrats and moderate Republicans. That is why health care reform is failing. There is no consensus, no willingness to work for the good of all, for my people and for yours. No one would be talking about racism during the post-Katrina response if King had completely succeeded.

    David McCulloughs (2005) book entitled 1776 takes a look at how great this year was in the annals of American history. Not only did this year signify the birth of a new nation, but it also witnessed the struggles that this nation went through in order to survive.
1. How important was the leadership sold of George Washington in keeping the colonial war effort alive during 1776
    George Washington, who would later on become the first President of the United States, had proven that he displayed exceptional leadership qualities which had served him well as military commander balanced by his experience as a manager of his plantation and being a civic leader from Virginia (McCullough, 2005).
    According to McCullough (2005), Washington demonstrated certain traits that made him a worthy leader that kept the war effort alive on the part of the colonists as they were struggling to defend and preserve their newly acquired independence.  He was a good listener, very willing to lend an ear to the counsel of others. He was humble in the sense that he handled failure well, never dwelling on it but rather learning his lessons.  This came to serve him well as commander of the Continental Army owing to his past military service with the British in the war against the French a decade ago.  He had his share of defeats at the hands of the British, but he learned from it and was able to turn things around to his advantage in future engagements.
    Best of all, he was considered by McCullough (2005) to be the greatest actor of the time long before Ronald Reagan. Washingtons  acting  skills were also vital in the sense that he had to put on a firm character and poise even in the most trying times or in the face of defeat.  Washington, realizing his role as a leader, cannot afford to be seen haggard or worried because it would infect his soldiers which was why he constantly had to maintain his poise and dignity at all times.  In addition, he exuded charisma that would draw people to him rather than repel them, and he had the attitude to go with his appearance and it paid off handsomely.  This was the impression he gave when he appeared before the Continental Congress in uniform to signify his readiness, and he was appointed head of the army right then and there (McCullough, 2005).
2. Of Washington s chief lieutenants which one was the most valuable and helpful and why    Of all the men who were chief lieutenants of Washington, only one had Washingtons confidence and it was a Frenchman named Gilbert du Motier, the Marquis de LaFayette (as he was more well-known).  Even though he was a foreigner, he had proven to everyone, including Washington, that he was not another French  glory-seeker.   He exhibited passion and enthusiasm in his commitment to the cause of independence in many battles. He was hoping that his participation would persuade the French king Louis XVI to aid the colonists (McCullough, 2005).
    Another characteristic that made Lafayette valuable to Washington was his humility and unwavering loyalty to him. Aware of his privileged status, Washington was ashamed of showing Lafayette the appalling conditions of his camp, Lafayette said he came to learn and not to teach, underscoring he was ready to take on even the lowliest of positions just to fight. Because of this, Washington came to regard the young noblemanofficer more than just his aide, but as a son as well (McCullough, 2005).
    Lafayette had proven his dedication long enough to convince Washington that he was fit to command a division which was withheld because he was a foreigner.  When he was given a command, Lafayette had proven not only his loyalty to the cause of the revolution, but also his competence as a military commander when he gave them victories (McCullough, 2005).
    Lafayettes loyalty to Washington was unquestionable since the former regarded Washington like a father. Knowing that what the Continental Congress was doing was not proper, he even warned Washington of plans to replace him as commander of the force assigned to invade Canada and to protect his patron (McCullough, 2005).
    When the French finally sent forces to aid the colonists in their fight, Lafayette once again proved his usefulness in defusing situations where there was a lack of coordination between the French fleet and the people of Boston averting a riot. After leaving for France, Lafayette returned to America once again and took part in the closing campaigns of the war. After the war, Lafayette continued to work for closer relations with the newly formed United States of America. His efforts did not go unnoticed and he was made an honorary American citizen (McCullough, 2005).

3. Why did many Americans of the late-18th century believe that Divine Providence smiled upon them

     Manifest Destiny  was that 19th-century belief in the United States at the time that the American people were preordained by God to be a great nation. However, it was believed that this spiritual dimension goes way back during the early years of the United States even before the nation was not born yet.  It was said that Thomas Paine, in his pamphlet, Common Sense, stated that the American people had the power to begin the world over again and that the birth of a new world was at hand.  The colonists at the time were mostly religious, god-fearing men, and they believed that there was a supreme being that led them to where they were ever since the day their forebears arrived on these shores of America, Divine Providence accompanied them here and continues to do so to this very day (McCullough, 2005).
    They likened themselves to the Hebrews of the Bible which they had read on how Abraham was commanded by God to raise his family in a land He promised to them, a land flowing with milk and honey. To the colonists, they saw themselves as the successors to these Hebrews. God had led them to their Promised Land and thus (as Paine had already emphasized) gave them the power to restart the world and make it the way they so desire. They believed nothing on earth could take that away from them, not even the British crown which was threatening to curtail or deprive them of their power. They believed, especially the Founding Fathers, that it was Divine Providence that guided their actions which resulted in the drafting and signing of the Declaration of Independence.  This was further underscored when they sought the protection and support of the Divine Providence, highlighting their fervent devotion to God and that everything was done according to His will, not their own, and the year 1776 was the time given to them to exercise these God-given powers to exercises their rights and their will and history showed they were right (McCullough, 2005).
    In conclusion, the year 1776 and beyond signaled a new chapter in the history of the New World. It showed that after centuries of living in relative peace and enjoying freedoms they had never enjoyed before, the colonists were determined not to have these freedoms taken away from them, and they were willing to fight for them. Above all, they believed God was on their side, and although it took them long to secure their freedom, their faith in God saw them through and they eventually prevailed (McCullough, 2005).

    In Abraham Lincolns Second American Revolution, a set of seven essays explores and discusses the transformational nature of the American Civil War and Lincolns leadership throughout that revolutionary struggle.  This book is much more than a descriptive analysis of the American Civil War quite the contrary, this book examines in an extraordinarily nuanced manner a number of features associated with Lincoln and this struggle.  It sets forth a variety of theories used to explain the underlying causes related to the American Civil War, it characterizes this bloody American conflict as a transformational revolution, and it discusses Lincolns leadership qualities from a variety of different perspectives.  This book is a must read for anyone interested in American history, the American Civil War, or Abraham Lincoln.
The Second American Revolution
    As a preliminary matter, the overarching theme of the book is the notion that the American Civil War functioned as Americas second revolution.  This is an interesting premise because it recharacterizes a pivotal moment in American history and portrays the conflict between the Unionists and the Confederates as a nation building phenomenon that was truly transformational.  This view of the American Civil War as a revolutionary conflict is demonstrated both in terms of the rhetoric employed by those opposing secession and by the transformational effects of the conflict.
    In vivid detail, the author is careful and diligent in setting forth the revolutionary language and philosophies relied upon by those who opposed secession.  In fact, the notion that this American conflict would rise to the level of a revolution was embraced both domestically and internationally.  Illustrative of this type of revolutionary rhetoric were pointed attacks issued by such influential persons as Thaddeus Young, James A. Garfield, and even Karl Marx.  In one speech before the American Civil War formally commenced, for example, Garfield
called for the confiscation of the land of Confederate planters and its redistribution among freed slaves and white Unionists in the South. To illustrate the need for such action, he drew upon the experience of the English revolution against the Stuarts and the American Revolution against Britain.

    In effect, Garfield like many of his contemporaries viewed the impending conflict as a genuine revolution and drew upon previous historical revolutions in order to highlight the severity of the dispute and the significance of the ultimate consequences for America.  His speeches also foreshadowed Lincolns unconditional surrender approach to the enemy.  In addition to detailing the revolutionary language and philosophies of Unionist leaders, the book also supports its thesis that the American Civil War constituted a revolution by pointing out the transformational effects of the conflict.  To this end, the author points out that
The liberation of four million slaves, along with destruction of the Souths political domination of national affairs and of the social order on which that domination was founded, metamorphosed a region (the former slave states) more than three times as large as France.

In short, by comparing the American Civil War to revolutions against England and within France, the author sets forth a compelling argument to view the American Civil War as a larger and more pervasive revolution.  This is because the United States were not yet made a truly unified nation, because Unionists themselves perceived the impending conflict as being revolutionary in nature, and because the consequences of the conflict were transformational in a truly revolutionary sense.  This argument is highly persuasive and this contributes positively to a better understanding of the nature of the American Civil War. 
 Causes and Motivation
    An additional positive contribution that this book makes is with respect to the underlying causes and motivations of the American Civil War.  Conventional wisdom tends to assume that the American Civil War was simply about slavery.  While the issue of slavery was certainly important, and while the abolitionist movement certainly supported the Unionist cause in most respects, this book points out that slavery was simply one of many causes leading to the American Civil War.  The book points out several different analytical frameworks for viewing the American Civil War.  Some of these analytical frameworks focus on the economic conflict between a free labor northern economy and a slave labor Southern economy, a Marxist class-based analysis, and even a school of thought which has characterized the American Civil War as the last great capitalist revolution.  By setting forth all of these different approaches to the American Civil War, this book presents a more nuanced view of causes and motivations to be sure, the American Civil War was about more than slavery.  The author makes this point by referring to one of the most highly respected American Civil War scholars the notion of the Civil War as the second American Revolution is identified most closely with Charles A. Beard. But in Beards view, slavery and emancipation were almost incidental to the real causes and consequences of the war.  This book therefore contributes two fascinating and important new ideas regarding the American Civil War.  First, it argues that the American Civil War should in reality be viewed as a second American Revolution.  Second, it argues that slavery should not be viewed as the sole causal factor when discussing or analyzing the American Civil War.  This book, in short, suggests important new ways of viewing the American Civil War.
Lincolns Leadership Political Thought and Communication
    In addition to viewing the American Civil War as a revolution, the book also examines Abraham Lincolns leadership from a variety of different perspectives.  What is most interesting, however, is how the book demonstrates an evolution of Abraham Lincolns approach to southern secession generally and to slavery more particularly.  It is interesting because Lincoln is viewed as an essentially conservative thinker and politician whom became more radical and revolutionary as events transpired.  With respect to slavery and emancipation, for example, Lincoln initially assumed a rather mild approach.  Rather than demanding an immediate end to slavery
His preferred solution of the slavery problem, Randall pointed out, was a program of gradual, compensated emancipation with the consent of the owners, stretching over a generation or more, with provision for the colonization abroad of emancipated slaves to minimize the potential for racial conflict and social disorder.

To some extant, as the book demonstrates, Lincoln was hesitant to embrace the revolutionary approaches advocated by Radical republicans such as Thaddeus Young and James A. Garfield.  He sought out and hoped for compromise.  When it became apparent to Lincoln that compromise would not be possible, Lincolns position hardened.  The book examines the hardening of Lincolns positions, and the evolution of his political thought at the time, in reference to his ultimate unconditional surrender doctrine and his use of language in speeches.  With respect to unconditional surrender the book explains how Lincoln developed a hands-on approach to his role as commander in chief, how he came to embrace the idea that compromise would only result in continued conflict, and that unconditional surrender meant a pervasive dismantling of southern politics, economic structures, and even social relationships. 
History demonstrates that Lincoln was uncompromising in his pursuit of a unified America, that he used force in a manner that led to an extraordinarily destructive civil war, and that he viewed the conflict in zero-sum terms.  Specifically, there could be no partial secession or other political compromise that did not completely result in the primacy of the federal government and the resolution of the conflict on Lincolns terms.  The assertions in this books essays to the effect that Lincoln was fierce in moments of crisis has been echoed by other scholars.  Lincoln exercised power in ways that were deemed to be both illegal and constitutionally impermissible for instance, Lincoln was willing to use extraordinary measures. These extraordinary measures included raising an army without congressional approval, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the military arrests--without due process of law--of thousands of critics of the war.

Another essay in the book cleverly demonstrates how Lincolns political thought was expressed through the use of various metaphors.  He used these metaphors to inspire his supporters and to highlight the general principles which he believed were most relevant to a young American nation.  At one point, the author suggests that because Lincoln was a more effective communicator than Jefferson Davis, mainly through his timely use of figurative language, that he was able to win the public relations war at the time and force through a revolutionary agenda.  The book recounts a number of Lincolns colorful stories and metaphors and attributes this story telling aptitude to Lincolns time spent with common people outdoors.  In sum, this book presents an interesting evolutionary view of Lincolns political thought and an entertaining account of his role as an effective communicator.

    In the final analysis, this is an excellent book.  It forces the reader to view both the American Civil War and Abraham Lincoln in a more nuanced manner while at the same time recounting entertaining anecdotes about Lincolns use of language to lead during that difficult time in American history.

Julia Alvarezs novel How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents reveals a story of four sisters immigrating to the US with their parents, a story of a family caught between their old world and their new world.  They grapple with decisions on how to blend their patriarchal, traditional values with their more independent and rebellious American surroundings.  Regardless of the choices that they make, there is a struggle. When they choose to retain elements of their Dominican culture, their American friends are critical and perplexed. Likewise, when they choose to discard a Dominican value and replace it with an American one, disapproval from family members is nearly unavoidable. The sisters and their parents each have a unique way of handling this question of how to create a new identity using the fabric of their two worlds.  Cultural displacement and the feeling of being in-between and not pertaining to either world is central to understanding the problematics the Garcia family faces in Alvarezs How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents
In the title of the novel, the phrase Lost Their Accents refers to the immigration to the United States, which causes the sisters to Americanize and to lose some of their Dominican-ness in the process. By using a linguistically-charged term such as Accents, to describe the difficulties of immigration, Alvarez displays that Latino identity among others is related to linguistic identity.  In addition, for Julia Alvarez loss of accent articulates particular cultural loss experienced by immigrants, loss of homeland and loss of cultural essence that cannot be replaced or substituted.  Through the challenges and difficulties of immigration and a resulting hybrid existence, one watches the Garcia de la Torre family in fifteen intertwined stories, cope with their loss of privileged status, being perceived as the Other, struggling with English, and searching for their cultural identities.  Search for the identity starts for Yolanda with a journey, both literal and figurative back to the Dominican Republic to find a link to her past, a way to make her origins connect with her present. She visits her homeland, the land of her literal birth, with a sincere hope, that she will discover that she truly spiritually belongs there on the island.  In one of the books earliest scenes, Yolanda is about to make a wish on the candles on her welcome cake She leans forward and shuts her eyes. There is so much she wants, it is hard to single out one wish (Alvarez, 11).  In the final chapter, The Drum, Yolandas statement, There are still times I wake up at three oclock in the morning and peer into the darkness (Alvarez, 290) symbolizes Garcias family physical and spiritual search for its identity.
    Garcia girls and their parents coincidently feel as if they do not belong or fit into the United States in the way they have hoped they would.  Part of their feeling of being outsiders in the United States was foisted upon them by authentic Americans such as a neighbor in New York. La Bruja, as the girls not-so-fondly refer to her, often showcases her ignorance and bigotry when dealing with the Garcia family. La Bruja constantly complains to their buildings superintendent about the Garcias, highlighting things that make them different, and therefore in her opinion, bad neighbors. She does not understand and does not appreciate their language, food, or their culture. For example, The old woman in the apartment below, who had a helmet of beauty parlor blue hair, had been complaining to the super since the day the family moved in a few months ago. The Garcias should be evicted. Their food smelled. They spoke too loudly and not in English (Alvarez, 170).  From the critical perspective, Alvarez does not display the problem of neighboring but the dilemma of cultural acceptance. Mrs. Garcia addresses this problem with the argument that We have to walk around. We have to breathe (Alvarez, 170).  What more could they reasonably do to keep their neighbors happy Nothing. The lack of sympathy was surprising to the Garcia family. They could not understand how behavior such as this was an unfortunately commonplace occurrence, especially for immigrant or hybrid families in the United States.
Carla, the eldest daughter, encounters painful incidents of humiliation and confusion at her Catholic school. A gang of boys chases after her in the hallways and playground of the school peppering the air with mean and intolerant names and phrases, such as Go back to where you came from, you dirty spic No titties Monkey legs (Alvarez, 153).  Alvarez employs the image of harassing school kids to symbolize the lack of tolerance in contemporary American culture.  The boys were searching for liminal figures to harass - any kid that was different from the expected norm, whether in size, looks, wealth, language, ethnicity or country of origin.  From this perspective, in the harassed victims, such as Carla, their games only served to reinforce and highlight those differences.  Making excuses for her lack of belonging, Carla would blame her command of English when someone would ask her for directions or the time I dont speak very much English, she would say in a small voice by way of apology (Alvarez, 156).  Carla like her family is overwhelmed with feelings of helplessness, displacement, being in-between two places but belonging to neither, cooped up in those little suburban houses, withno island to make up the difference (Alvarez, 107).  As Alvarez articulates in the novel, this suation of being trapped in-between two places for the Gacria family is due to the fact that they were not yet reconciled to the idea of their immigration as a permanent change. They held on to the element of thinking they would eventually go home, that their move and the resulting uncomfortable duality were just temporary.  However, practically the Garcia family does not have any choice but to adjust culturally and emotionally to the United States.  Carlos explains this situation with a single statement This is your home, and never you should forget it (Alvarez, 25).
    Julia Alvarezs novel How the Garcia Girls Lost Their Accents is not only a story of coping with change.  It is a story of what it is like to be a cultural hybrid and be in a constant search for cultural identity.  Coming from the Dominican Republic where life was Spanish and having to the United States into an Englishexistence, the Garcia family is straddling two worlds.  From Alvarezs perspective, this duality is permanent.  Familys identity, psychological bonds and familys memories serve as powerful anchors that make it impossible for the Garcia family to reject old homeland and embrace fully a new life and culture.

Petrarchs literary work, The Ascent of Mount Ventoux, details his journey of reaching the highest peak of the region that for so long had occupied his thoughts.  However, as the narration progresses, one realizes that the authors need to be on a higher plane in order to have a better view of his surroundings is, in actuality, a symbolism of a deeper need of men to reach a higher plateau of spiritual consciousness in order to view his corporeal and spiritual weaknesses that are innate in his persona.  Petrarch, through this literary work, then, poses an introspection into the dilemma of the human soul, that men go about to wonder at the heights of the mountain, the mighty waves of the seabut themselves they consider not (Halsall, 1998, p. 1).
    Petrarchs need of reaching the apex of the mountain, then, demonstrates his own spiritual need of being a step closer to God.  He came into a realization that his former journeys on the physical world, although had been most important for him then, is truly infinitely-miniscule compared to the journey that a person ought to embark onone which concerns itself with his spirit and its relationship with his God.  If a person is to mature, both in spirit and in faith, then, it is important for him to climb his own mountain, view the real person he truly is, minus the pride and the deception that are innate to him, and marvel at the divine magnificence of the Creator.


    Petrarchs The Ascent of Mount Ventoux had been able to clearly express without error, the essential need of the human soul to seek for an affirmation of his importance in his relationship with God.  For Petrarch as well as for all of us, this will result in an awakening where one will realize that his undertakings here on earth is really immaterial that what matters most is to free himself from his own shackles and view his spirituality from a higher plateau where he is able to accept his lifes follies and follow the will of his Creator.

According to Daley, violence is so widespread in the United States fundamentally because the American society was built on diversity and discord. She argues that the country was settled in an impromptu manner by dissimilar groups of people and the arrival of organized crime by way of the Sicilians into such a loosely organized country in which citizens had the constitutional right to bear arms, is the central reason for the countrys current problems. I do not think this analysis is convincing for first reasons. For she dismisses out of hand the validity of the impact of Americas capitalist economy and political ideology on crime. Second, that the UK was settled in a less ad hoc manner than America has not been shown and also the fact that Britain is stable and conservative does not mean it could never suffer from widespread violence. Third, the fact that she lays the violence entirely at the feet of immigrants also seems flawed.
Daleys argument provide insight into the rape of the Central Park jogger only in the scenario that Meilli has actually been raped by the five men that confessed. However, in the real situation as it was revealed, the crime had not been committed by someone of the mindlessly violent underclass, and indeed the rapist had not gone about committing the crime mindlessly and was not part of the underclass to which I think Daley refers.
I think the bombing of the London subway system in 2005 by four Muslim youths, three of whom were born in England of Pakistani descent, undermines Daleys conclusion that Britains stability and conservativeness could not lead to senseless violence is undermined. On the other hand, her seeming assertion that immigrants are the cause of violence could be supported by this incident. The youths were born in the UK but not of UK parentage, supporting (oblique) Daleys argument that immigrants with different motivations and lifestyles are causing problems in the society.
According to Wildmon, the major problems facing American society are large increases in the crime rate, the increasing abundance of pornography material, more music with explicit sexual lyrics, and more broken homes, all stemming from a deterioration of morals.
According to Wildmon, material with Christian characters, Christian values, and Christian culture should be shown in television more, while less programs espousing negative values, such as adultery, should be shown. He proposes that the Coalition for better television should make the decisions regarding what should be shown on television. According to Giamatti, what a pluralism of peoples, political beliefs, values, forms of merit and systems of religion should be shown on television. He argues that decisions regarding what should be shown on television should be left to everyone, that is, these decisions should not be made by one set of people. Giamatti argues that the moral majority wants to make these decisions on behalf of everyone without discussion and expect no dissent. He criticizes this and argues that no one set of people should make those decisions at the risk of threatening pluralistic values and everyones freedom.
According to Wildmon, television has a very important the to play in the development of morality in the United States. He directly links the deterioration of morals he has witnessed in the media over the last previous twenty-five years to negative societal outcomes such as increasing crime and divorce rates. In line with this, he sees television as one of the greatest tools of public education, and it can either be used to erode the moral fabric of the society or rebuild it. He claims that at the moment, television is being used to great effect to erode the moral fabric of the society because of its messages and the marked absence of Christianity on television. But he thinks that putting Christian characters, Christian values, and Christian culture back on television can help to stem the tide and rebuild the societys moral fabric if it is done soon enough.Voices from Abroad and American Voices

Exercise 1
A1 By Schlesinger opening with a scene from 1933, chronologically the termination point of the book, the reader has a very clear idea as to the contents of the book. At the same time the readers curiosity is awakened. He wants to know the reasons and the authors perspective of The Great Depression. So the reader is led into rest of the pages very effectively.

A2 Schlesinger chose to place that sentence third rather than first because the first two sentences give support to the topic sentence. The first sentence determines the timeline that is the date, time and year. While the second sentence sets the mood as well as giving background information as to why the American economy came to a stop.

A3 The paragraph is indeed engaging. It at once gives an impression of the vastness and grandeur of the American continent, while showing the despair of the President and the American people through the bad times.

A4 The quote at the end of the paragraph There is nothing more we can do., states the end of the term of the American President Herbert Hoover. It also shows the end of an era.

A5 The author does not refer to the President by name in the last sentence. In doing so he is able to show that not just the people but the head of the nation, the president himself, is tired and has given up.
A6 We are at the end of our rope, the weary President at last said, as the striking clock announced the day of his retirement. There is nothing more we can do. Shows the end of term of the then president. The end of an era also marks the beginning of a new era. So by the sentence we are led to believe that some other president will be reinstated. A feeling of hope for the future.

B1 The authors explicit rendering of the paragraph, at once brings the scene of 1920s before our eyes and captures the imagination. Then pathetic situation of the people of such a great nation is almost unbelievable. It definitely holds our interest.

B2 breadlines, shows that there were so many people queuing for mere bread.  Scavenging  underweight uncontrollable trembling are words that Schlesinger uses to capture our attention and show pathetic condition of the times.

B3 The direct quotes of Lillian Wald of Henry Street Have you ever heard a hungry child cry  Have you seen the uncontrollable trembling of parents who have gone half starved for weeks so that the children may have food serve the purpose of rendering the effect of absolute shock and dismay of the spectators of the scene.

B4 There is no topic sentence in paragraph B. It is not necessary as the whole paragraph is a description of the topic sentence, so it is not weakened at all by the absence.
B5 The conditions of the penniless were inhuman. I would put it after the fourth sentence.

B6 The paragraph should be in the beginning of the book, as the utility of the paragraph is in introducing the plight of the people. I t is only a description. There is no logical progression of event or a conclusion in it hence it may not be suited as the end of the book.

C1 But Roosevelt, armored in some inner faith, remained calm and inscrutable, confident that American improvisation could meet the future on its own terms. Is the topic sentence. It is placed second in the paragraph. The first line, Many had deserted freedom, many more had lost their nerve. It serves to strengthen the topic sentence. It introduces the topic sentence by emphasizing the despair.

C2 In the first paragraph there is a break down of faith whereas in the last paragraph there is almost an assurance of hope.

C3 The last paragraph while marking the end of the hopeless times it also leads us into interesting times, when any experiment was for the better of the nation. With this new president, people looked forward to a new age

C4The sentence Many had deserted freedom, many more had lost their nerve. As well as the words catastrophe, paint a vivid picture of the past as the president rides through the packed American streets.

C5 A beginning with a bang, followed by very effective descriptions which narrate the story in such a way, that a mental picture springs into the readers mind. The author is able to capture the readers imagination completely. All this makes Schlesinger an extremely good writer.


Exercise2

B. Americans in the early 1930s yearned for a dynamic, self-assured leader in the White House, a man who could restore the nations confidence in the aftermath of the stock market crash and the subsequent nose dive of the economy. Herbert Hoover proved unequal to the task. An engineer by training and an introvert by disposition, he lacked the intellectual flexibility and the personal flair to guide a democratic, pluralistic nation through its time of trial. To him, the ideal vacation was a weekend of fly fishing in a trout stream in the Virginia mountains. Only after Franklin D. Roosevelt, a seemingly shallow New York patrician, took the oath of office in March of 1933 did the national mood begin to shift.

Explanation As the other sentences deal with serious economic consequences, this one seems out of place talking of frivolous topics like vacation.

C. The most powerful political asset that African-Americans and women held in Washington D.C., during the New Deal years was the presidents wife, Eleanor. An activist in a variety of reform causes since World War I, Eleanor Roosevelt was determined as First Lady to be more than the keeper of her husbands social calendar. During the 1940s, she would become an enthusiastic supporter of U.S. involvement in the United Nations. She called her own press conferences and permitted entry only to female reporters. She met frequently with relief administrator Harry Hopkins, taking special interest in jobs for women and African-Americans. She nudged FDR leftward on appointments for those underrepresented groups. For her efforts, she gained a special place in the hearts of the downtrodden, but she also sparked criticism and nasty rumors, especially among tradition-minded white southerners.

Explanation An unnecessary detail. It does not compliment her effort as the presidents wife like the rest of the paragraph.

Exercise 3

A
1. During the Depression, more women than men were seeking work. False2. Antagonism toward married women in the workplace was greater than antagonism toward unmarried women. True3. Antagonism toward women in the workplace was greater during the Depression than during previous times of prosperity. True4. During the Depression, more women were employed in the private than in the public sector. False

B
1. During the 1930s, well-connected women played a crucial role in getting some government assistance for less fortunate women. True2. New Deal programs provided just as many benefits for women as for men. False3. Civilian Conservation Corps camps for women were less well equipped than those for men. True4. The New Deal served more men than women, but those women who did get government aid got just as much as their male counterparts. False

Exercise 4
Men of old-fashioned principles really believed that the less said about the unemployed, the faster they would get jobs. They really believed that public relief was bad for the poor because it discouraged them from looking for work or from taking it at wages that would tempt business to start up again. According to their theory, permanent mass unemployment was impossible, because there was work at some wage for every able-bodied man, if he would only find and do it. Charity was necessary, of course, for those who were really disabled through no fault of their own, but there could never be very many of these, and they should be screened carefully and given help of a kind and in a way that would keep them from asking for it as long as possible. Those who held this view were not necessarily hardhearted or self-interested. Josephine Lowell, a woman who devoted her life to the poor, issued he bluntest warning, The presence in the community of certain persons living on the public relief has the tendency to tempt others to sink to their degraded level. That was in 1884, when cities were smaller, and fewer people depended on the ups and downs of factory work.

In her book The Devil in the Shape of a Woman, author Carol Karlsen compellingly focuses her attention on the social and economic underpinnings of witchcraft in 17th century New England, and also brings into the forefront the role of gender within the Puritan society. The books central idea is pointed towards the position of accused witches, most of whom were females. As opposed to the religious perspective of analyzing the reasons behind the accusation and conviction of these so-called witches, Karlsen relies on  rich description and statistical precision  (71), and also pulls together researches from various reliable sources, notably that of Essex court records, firsthand account of the witch trials, personal writings, and other court records in order to further explore the way society reacted to women who appeared as a threat to the church through their inheritance. Due to her increased focus on the economic motivations of allegations against witchcraft, the author is able to offer new insights on how the hysteria of witchcraft, gender, and power relate to one another, and how such associations play a role in the wrong conviction of witchcraft in colonial New England.    From her analysis, Karlsen is able to contend that women accused, tried, and convicted of witchcraft were not those who were poor, as this was the permeating belief for years, but women who stood to inherit, had inherited, or had lost their inheritance. She points out that these  inheriting women  are socially vulnerable for being convicted as witches due to their ascent to a higher socio-economic status in patriarchal dominated society, which is perceived to be threatening the position that men hold in the society.
    Karlsen considers these women as victims of a society that expected women to serve men and bear their heirs, which is rooted in the Puritan idea of women as virtuous helpers to their male counterparts. Hence, women who were able to inherit large amounts of property or land were liable to accusations of witchcraft because they were believed to have been crossing the set standards for gender roles. Accordingly, the author states that  most witches in New England were middle aged or old women eligible for inheritance because they had no brothers or sons  (Karlsen 117). Those women accused of witchcraft were also described as  disagreeable women, at best aggressive and abrasive, at worst ill-tempered, quarrelsome, and spiteful,  although there were no substantial proof for such claim (Karelsen 118). As Puritans treated gender issue religiously, women who deviated from their set roles were perceived as opponents of God. From here, one can easily point out that the persecution of  witches  was enforced in order to discourage many women from going against their prescribed roles even if their actions were left unexamined, and more importantly to maintain the patriarchal social order of that time.
    Karlsens book is well-structured and feminist in style and perspective, as seen from her strong female overtones. However, it does not go into detail about the men who were accused of witchcraft, making it appear a bit one-sided, although this is fairly understandable since most of the witches brought into trial were women. This drawback leaves a room for substantial study surrounding witchcraft and gender in colonial England. Despite this, the author is able to fulfill her purpose of delivering the underlying reasons of witch allegations and persecutions that extend beyond the good and evil premise. Nevertheless, The Devil in the Shape of a Woman is a seminal piece that provides valuable contribution concerning witch-lore and the ambiguous status of women in colonial England. For the forgoing reason, Carol Karlsens work should find its way in the academic premise as well as for those who seek to understand the broad picture of the witchcraft hysteria during the early history of New England.